Thursday, November 13, 2008

Is Having Jews in the Obama Administration "Good for Jews?"

"Updated Audio Shocker: Obama’s Gestapo Plan Created Over Two Years Ago With Jew Emanuel In Chicago"

This is the heading of a post at "Pat Dollard", which the most excellent and respectable Pam Geller at Atlas Shrugs refers to without batting an eyelash.

Now "Jew Emanuel" doesn't sound so good to my ears that have heard such epithets as "Jew Bastard!" and references to the "Eternal Jew," etc., etc., etc.

Then there is the Saul Alinsky factor to consider.

Here's what is said about Pat Dollard on his blog:

"Pat Dollard traded a life of luxury as a Hollywood agent for that of a war journalist dodging bullets and shrapnel alongside the Marines in Iraq. He did it so you could see the truth…his version of the truth."

And here's what Pat Dollard says about himself on his blog:

"Eventually, I learned the joys of killing. But I’m skipping ahead of myself. I landed for my first stint in Iraq in November 2004 armed with a video camera instead of a weapon. I had obtained a rare embed from the United States Marines Corps for a nonjournalist private citizen to make my documentary, Young Americans."

Dollard, buddy of Marines in Iraq, embedded

Jews in the Obama inner circle are not doing Jews in general any good.

Especially as these--our--times are reminiscent of the time of the Weimar Republic in Germany.

That had such as Walter Rathenau* as its foreign minister--a Jew.

He was assasinated by incipient Nazis.

After that the German people elected Adoph Hitler as their chancellor.

If you think that there is no comparison between our time and that of the pre-Hitler Weimar Republic, see Overture to Civil War: There's Something Happening Here . . . and it ain't good at all

*The Jew Walter Rathenau and the German Weimar Republic

In 1921, Rathenau was appointed Minister of Reconstruction, and in 1922 he became Foreign Minister. His insistence that Germany should fulfill its obligations under the Treaty of Versailles, while working for a revision of its terms, infuriated German nationalists. He also angered nationalists by negotiating the Treaty of Rapallo with the Soviet Union. The leaders of the (still obscure) Nazi Party and other right-wing groups claimed he was part of a "Jewish-Communist conspiracy."


Rathenau was a leading proponent of a policy of assimilation for German Jews: he argued that Jews should oppose both Zionism and socialism and fully integrate themselves into mainstream German society. This, he said, would lead to the eventual disappearance of anti-Semitism. As a powerful, affluent and highly visible Jewish politician, Rathenau was disdained by Germany's extreme right, culminating in his 1922 assassination.


On June 24, 1922, two months after the signing of the Treaty of Rapallo, Rathenau was assassinated in a plot led by two right-wing army officers (aided and abetted by others) linked to Organisation Consul: Erwin Kern and Hermann Fischer.[4] On that morning, he was driving from his house to Wilhelmstraße, as he did daily (and predictably). During the trip his car was passed by another in which three armed men were sitting. They simultaneously shot at the minister with machine guns and then quickly drove away. A memorial stone in the Koenigsallee in Berlin-Grunewald marks the scene of the crime, which was officially (with flags legally at half mast) but not necessarily fervently mourned in Germany. After the Nazis came to power in 1933, they declared Rathenau's assassins as national heroes and designated June 24 as a holiday of celebration.


It was certainly an early sign of the instability and violence which were eventually to permeate and destroy the Weimar Republic. The British writer Morgan Philips Price wrote:

In June 1922 Walter Rathenau, a big Jewish industrialist and progressive economist, was assassinated by gangsters of the extreme Right who were the heart and soul of the Freikorps. I was present at the memorial service in the Reichstag and noted an extraordinary outburst of enthusiasm among the workers of Berlin, as expressed in their trade union leaders and socialist parties, for the Republic and for President Ebert. The rank and file of the Majority Social Democrats were now thoroughly aroused...first Communists, then Socialists, and now a big industrialist were murdered for having Liberal views and, in the last case, for being a Jew. The situation in Germany was becoming more and more sinister.


Albert Einstein later commented that he was "greatly disturbed" by Rathenau's assassination, since he saw it as early proof of an immense anti-pacifist and anti-semitic presence in Germany.

The term "Jewish left" describes Jews who identify with or support left wing, occasionally liberal causes, consciously as Jews, either as individuals or through organizations. There is no one organization or movement which constitutes the "Jewish left," however. Jews have been major forces in the history of the labor movement, the Settlement house movement, the women's rights movement, anti-racist work, and anti-fascist organizing of many forms.

Realizing that the expression "on the left" covers a range of politics, it is worth noting that many well-known figures "on the left" have been Jews, for instance, Murray Bookchin, Judith Butler, Noam Chomsky, Eric Hobsbawm, Karl Marx, Harold Pinter, and Howard Zinn, who were born into Jewish families and have various degrees of connection to Jewish communities, Jewish culture, Jewish tradition or the Jewish religion in its many variants. It also includes such people as rabbis Michael Lerner and Arthur Waskow, both in their own way religiously devout and culturally identified Jews. It includes as well many secular, cosmopolitan people who nonetheless remain connected to Jewish culture, such as Rosa Luxemburg, Emma Goldman, Rose Schneiderman, Muriel Rukeyser and Susan Sontag. Views regarding Zionism among those either identified or self-identified as being among the Jewish left can be quite varied, and are often independent of their other political and social views.

In February 1919 a telegram arrived at the Constituent Assembly in Weimar nominating Rathenau for the presidency of the new German Republic which provoked uproarious laughter from the delegates on the Right and silence from the rest.

Nevertheless, the beleaguered new Weimar Republic soon needed Rathenau's considerable financial and leadership talents which he had acquired as the head of the AEG. In 1920, he worked for the Socialization Commission and skillfully represented Germany at the Spa Conference on reparations. In July 1921, Rathenau accepted a cabinet post as minister of reconstruction, swallowing his desire for the top job of foreign minister. During the next five months, he applied his skills and energy to the policy of "fulfillment," arranging compromises with France, Belgium, and Britain over Germany's huge reparations bill.

Adept at bargaining with foreign statesmen and industrialists, Walther Rathenau was able to blunt the Allies' fears and suspicions of Germany and appeal to their generosity. He depicted a weak Germany, with tense industrial-labor relations and a fragile currency, menaced within by right- and left-wing radicalism and by regional divisions and threatened in the East by Soviet Russia, and thus incapable of paying reparations without immediate loans and moratoria. Despite the forcefulness of his message, or perhaps because his convictions seemed so solid, Rathenau came to be considered an "indispensable" figure in European politics. The more he succeeded abroad, however, the more his domestic enemies could label him the international Jew.


Walther Rathenau, the ex-monarchist, the Jewish captain of industry with his spiritualist and socialist leanings, the amateur politician/statesman without a seat in the Reichstag, stood isolated in republican Germany. His support from the "good Germans," the "Weimar Germans," was noticeably tepid. The Democrats, the Center, and the Moderate Socialists kept their distance. Chancellor Wirth, who expected to control foreign policy, evidently intended to make Rathenau his court Jew, one who was acceptable to British and Dutch bankers and tolerated by the French and who sent a useful mixed signal to Moscow.


The anti-Semitic press termed Rathenau's appointment the triumph of Jewish banking interests, Jewish socialism, and Jewish freemasonry as well as of the international, liberal banking conspiracy led by Lloyd George which aimed to dominate a prostrate Christian Germany. "My heart is heavy," he wrote to his friend, Lili Deutsch. "A man alone -- knowing his limits and weaknesses -- what can a man like that do in this paralyzed world with enemies all around?" A lonely court Jew in a pan-German milieu, Rathenau seemed destined to sacrifice himself.

On the eve of the Genoa Conference the foreign minister met for five hours with Albert Einstein and Kurt Blumenfeld to discuss Palestine, the Jewish problem, and his role as Germany's advocate before the entire world. Rathenau insisted on his right to speak for die entire German people just as Disraeli had represented England. But there were key differences. The baptized Disraeli was a more facile and clever actor; by enlarging the island kingdom's riches with the Suez Canal, by making Victoria the Empress of India, and by expanding British democracy, he had enhanced the pride and prestige of both his peoples. On the other hand, the aristocratic, unbaptized Rathenau, who was about to plead for a defeated, and largely unrepentant Germany, risked disappointment and danger for Germans, for Jews, and for himself. Late in the night Pathenau admitted to Einstein and Blumenfeld that he served a Germany which had never accepted him completely or unconditionally. After bidding the foreign minister farewell, the two Zionists walked the late night streets of Berlin vindicated, and frightened.


Rathenau set out to work later than usual. About a mile and a half from his villa in Grunewald his open car was overtaken and stopped by an automobile with three handsome young men in spanking new leather jackets. When Rathenau's car was halted, one man shot the foreign minister with a submachine gun, while the second threw a hand grenade whose explosion lifted the victim from his seat; the driver of the assassins' vehicle then sped away. Rathenau had been shot five times; his jaw and backbone were completely shattered. He died almost at once. He was fifty-four years old.


Privately, there was little sympathy for the victim. On the day after the murder, Friedrich Meinecke's fellow academics in Berlin raged over the communist menace to Germany. In Munich, Thomas Mann heard an eminent professor rejoice in "one less Jew!" In Heidelberg, the Nobel prize-winning physics professor, Philip Lenard forbade his students to observe the day of Rathenau's burial and be "idle on account of a dead Jew." On his walks through the German capital, the Prague journalist Egon Erwin Kisch heard lawyers and government functionaries -- still sporting their Wilhelminian mustaches -- utter melodramatically "It's been done!" And Kurt Tucholsky's newly invented vulgarian "Herr Wendriner" parodied the exasperation of solid German and Jewish businessmen with all the red flags, and the marching, and the huge and noisy lower-class demonstrations in Rathenau's name: Too much disorder over one pushy dead Jew!


The virulent anti-Semitism of Imperial Germany -- its exclusion and its scapegoating of the Jews -- did not abate when the regime collapsed in 1918. Indeed defeat and revolution, the Kapp Putsch and the repeated reparations crises filled the anti-Semitic arsenal. The Right blamed every mistake of the Weimar government, every setback in the economy or in foreign affairs, on the Jews.

Rathenau was the ideal embodiment of the Jew as a dominating and destructive figure. A racist pamphlet in January 1922 accused Wirth of delivering Germany over to "Jewish world control" and termed Rathenau's nomination "a bald provocation of the German people." The Nazi organ, the Volkischer Beobachter, headlined one of its articles: "The resurrected Marx: Rathenau." The harassed Wirth government did not refute the attacks. Indeed, when the Right complained over the "disproportionate" number of Jews in Germany's delegation, it excluded one very talented non-Aryan from the Genoa Conference.


. . . many contemporary observers Jewish and non-Jewish, were convinced of the heightened danger exposed by Rathenau's murder. The Austrian-Jewish economist, Gustav Stolper, lamented the "anti-Semitic plague" that had attacked the German body politic; and the playwright Carl Zuckmayer insisted: "He was murdered because he was a Jew." The London Jewish Chronicle reminded its readers that Rathenau had been "persecuted" since his appointment (June 30). The Nation, which termed Rathenau "one of the few statesmen whom Europe could not afford to lose" (July 5), also called him the victim of the Henry Fords who had preached against a "global Jewish conspiracy" (July 12). In August, The Contemporary Review called Rathenau a sacrifice to the "new anti-Semitism" wielding its new lethal weapons to exclude the Jews. The German-Jewish writer, Emil Ludwig, called Rathenau's "urge towards power" a fatal impulse in a land which had never permitted a Jew to hold the reins of State or had forgiven one who cherished that aspiration. The Danish-Jewish literary critic, Georg Brandes, pinpointed the uniqueness of German anti-Semitism: in the Slavic lands there had been pogroms, mass killing, and mass plunder; while in the more "civilized" Reich single Jews were targeted for death.

In August 1922, a Thuringian farmer assured his American train-mate that Rathenau had been killed simply "because he was a Jew."


Rathenau's death failed to kindle any spark of reconciliation between Germans and Jews. Brandes' caution about the peculiarity of German anti-Semitism remained valid. German Jewry, less than one percent of the population, more than ever feared to walk in Rathenau's footsteps and expose and endanger themselves. Walter Benjamin, in his anguished response to Rathenau's murder, wrote that the Jews could no longer hope to "speak" as Germans or even join the German "conversation."

If I remember correctly, a saying in Germany about Walter Rathenau went, "Dass ist der Walter Rathenau, die gottverdammte Judensau."

[translated as ,"That is Walter Rathenau the goddamned Jewish sow."

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